Daniel K. Finn’s Moral Agency Within Social Structures and Culture: A Primer on Critical Realism for Christian Ethics (Moral Agency for short) contributes well to the mutual enrichment of critical...

In vitro gametogenesis is the process of deriving gametes from embryonic stem cells or induced pluripotent stem cells. While not as well-known as in vitro fertilization, IVG could lead to more moral issues that would require corresponding responses from the Magisterium. Because IVG remains at the experimental stage, mainly using mice, the Magisterium has not issued any such responses in a document along the lines of Donum vitae and Dignitas personae. This essay situates IVG within Catholic moral teachings for those (...) who are unfamiliar with the teachings of the Church but who are interested in forming their consciences and those of others on what is undoubtedly a peculiar medical technique with many moral ramifications. (shrink)

Daniel K. Finn’s Moral Agency Within Social Structures and Culture: A Primer on Critical Realism for Christian Ethics (Moral Agency for short) contributes well to the mutual enrichment of critical...

RESUMO O presente estudo propõe-se a responder às seguintes questões: 1ª) Que noções de enunciação podem ser derivadas da reflexão discursiva de Michel Pêcheux nos anos iniciais de sua produção? 2ª) Qual é o estatuto que assume a enunciação no escopo da AD nesse período? Para tanto, procede a um exame de textos do filósofo francês publicados entre 1969 e 1975, a fim de investigar a problematização da enunciação nesses escritos. A análise do corpus teórico permite dele derivar diversas noções (...) de enunciação, as quais revelam em seu conjunto um estatuto epistemológico e um estatuto teórico-metodológico da enunciação no estabelecimento das bases fundantes da AD. ABSTRACT The current study aims to answer the following questions: 1) What notions of enunciation can be derived from Michel Pêcheux’s discursive reflection in the early years of his production? 2) What is the status assumed by enunciation in the scope of DA in this period? For this purpose, an examination into the French philosopher’s texts published from 1969 to 1975 is made in order to investigate the problem of enunciation in these writings. The analysis of the theoretical corpus allows the examination of several notions of enunciation, which as a whole reveal an epistemological status and a theoretical-methodological status of enunciation in the establishment of the Pecheutian DA founding bases. (shrink)

Social networks merge the real and the virtual in virtual actuality that forms the basis of human networks. In this sense, the anthropology of technology, in conjunction with cyberanthropology, allows the diagnosis of a new identity of human beingsstemming from the phenomenon of social networks. Do the intersubjective relations established in different contexts of publicity and pluralism of meanings emerging from the interface with social networks, which dilute the limits of human communication and boundaries, still allow usto understand the real (...) and the virtual in a dualistic way? Or, rather, what is the immanent logic of the antagonism of unsociable human sociability that allows the scenarios of “outrage and hope” in global self-communication? The following interdisciplinary study aims first to involve cyberanthropology, anthropology of technology and philosophy to show the cultural implications of the identity of human beings connected to social networks. Then, we study the genealogy of the anthropology of techno-science and Kant’s antagonism in unsociable human sociability. Finally, we describe the Hegelian logic of reflexive manifestation between free objectivity and subjectivity, and communication as virtuality. (shrink)

This special issue brings to the attention of the scholarly community some of the common features and some of the subtle, but important, differences between Francis Bacon's and Giovan Battista Della Porta's ways of dealing with the reading, selecting, enacting, and recording of recipes. Focusing on questions of genre, intellectual and material context, strategies of research, and strategies of performing recipes, the four papers of this special issue address two major issues. First, they shed new light on the relationship (...) between Della Porta's Magia naturalis and Francis Bacon's Sylva sylvarum. Second, they show that in the recording of their experimental practices, Bacon and Della Porta depart from the traditional “recipe format” and discover new avenues of experimental research. (shrink)

In this paper the author demonstrates that Teophilus of Antioch had the pseudo-Platonic dialogue Alcibiades I in mind when he wrote the apologetic treatise Ad Autolycum. It is worth noting that this implicit reference occurs in the context of Teophilus’s description of the soul’s ascent to God.

SUMMARYThis essay considers a book that Giovan Battista Manso intended as a public gift to Philip IV of Spain. The book is Manso's Erocallia, published in Venice in 1628 with a dedication written by the author and addressed to the Spanish king. While the book ostensibly contains twelve dialogues on love and beauty, these subjects are treated as universal principles encompassing encyclopaedic spectra of knowledge. I wish to argue that the two prefatory letters, alongside the structure or ‘arrangement’ of (...) the book, contribute to its value as a gift text in accordance with Early Modern codes of patronage exchange. The letters included a dedicatory letter from the author to the king, and an additional letter to Manso from the poet Marino. They respectively praise Philip IV's providence and Manso's foundation of the Accademia degli Oziosi, while alluding to Manso's dependence on the king's good government without which the academy would not have been able to prosper. The use of Ramist methods in the arrangement of Erocallia further added to its value as an instantly recognisable demonstration of the encyclopaedic scope of the book's content, and thus a means of showing the king the fruits of his providence in Naples. (shrink)

A forgotten document by the young Leopardi: the Disputatio and its relation to the Dissertazioni filosofiche - In this essay we look at the Disputatio, a forgotten document by the young Leopardi. It consists of a list of sixty questions, thirty written in Latin and thirty in Italian. These were the questions that Leopardi had to answer in his last public examination, held on the 20 July 1812. In the first part, the authors and sources used by Leopardi in the (...) preparation of the exercise will be studied and compared with the text of the Disputatio. The second part is a comparison between the text of the Disputatio and that of the Dissertazioni filosofiche of 1811-1812. This comparison and consideration of the order in which the subjects are presented reveal that the Dissertazioni filosofiche were written when the poet was preparing for the above-mentioned examination, and that in the Disputatio there are thinkers and subjects, such as La Mettrie and Holbach, that were important for the development of Leopardi’s mature philosophy. (shrink)

Sometimes Theophilus used neologisms in his apologetic presentation of the faith. This is the case with ajsumbivbastoç. The term corresponds to a Christological interpretation of Is. 40,13-14 in an anti-Hermogenian context (anti-middle platonic). We should translate it as “not counsel - able”, an allusion to the Creator God's self-sufficiency, who deliberates with his Logos-counsel without resorting to eternal matter.

Sometimes Theophilus used neologisms in his apologetic presentation of the faith. This is the case with ajsumbivbastoç. The term corresponds to a Christological interpretation of Is. 40,13-14 in an anti-Hermogenian context. We should translate it as “not counsel - able”, an allusion to the Creator God's self-sufficiency, who deliberates with his Logos-counsel without resorting to eternal matter.

L’articolo si propone di chiarire uno dei punti oscuri della biografia di Giordano Bruno. Nel 1571 il Capitolo generale dei Domenicani di Roma lo assegnò come studente formale allo Studio di Andria. Secondo i suoi più importanti biografi, il Nolano non ci sarebbe mai andato. Attraverso l’accurata analisi dei documenti relativi al corso di studi, e il riscontro delle citazioni contenute in alcune opere, l’ipotesi che Bruno abbia soggiornato ad Andria per circa un anno appare, invece, estremamente probabile. The article (...) tries to clarify one of the obscure points of Giordano Bruno’s biography. In 1571 the General Chapter of the Dominicans in Rome assigned him, as a formal student, to the Study of Andria. According to his most important biographers, the Nolan never went there. However, through the careful analysis of the documents relating to his course of studies, and the comparison of the quotations contained in some of his works, the hypothesis that Bruno stayed in Andria for about a year appears extremely probable. (shrink)

This paper aims to examine Hegel’s formulation of aesthetics during the years between the Gymnasium in Stuttgart and the sojourn in Frankfurt. In this period Hegel’s thought was primarily focused on moral, political and religious problems. By following a particular route through the juvenile texts, it is possible how- ever to examine a group of meditations concerning the theme of beauty, the status of ancient Greece and the role of sensibility in the process of aesthetic education of man.

Although the desirability for Italian princes and those who emulated their social practices to construct rooms specifically dedicated to the performance of music was specified by Paolo Cortesi in his treatise De cardinalatu at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the identification of these dedicated spaces and in particular of the repertories performed within them is fraught with difficulty. Beginning with Isabella d'Este's various studioli, this chapter considers what can be reconstructed about the provision of such rooms within the ducal (...) palace in Mantua. In so doing, it draws upon inventories, archival documents and the iconography of a number of decorative schemes, finishing with the work of the architect Giovan Battista Bertani, to suggest what can be determined about the shape and internal disposition of the rooms themselves. (shrink)

Spinoza’s philosophy could be understood as a tireless research of the truth. Nevertheless it can’t be interpreted as a path that leads only the wise to the salvation. The effort to reach the bliss, freedom, the true knowledge of the mind, has to belong to all humanity. So the role of the philosopher must be to encourage men to seek the truth, to love it through the union with God above all else. This is the soteriological fabric of the early (...) works of Spinoza. It will lead to the exaltation of the homo liber and of the Spirit of Christ as the way of salvation in his mature works. Nature’s knowledge will be the lifeblood in the context of the research for the universal salvation of individuals as a happy community. (shrink)

The paper shows that Natorp's philosophical system is already in its origins a logical scheme for a philosophy of culture. The paper focuses on Natorp's 1887 work on the objective and subjective foundations of knowledge.

The purpose of the present paper is to clarify the different ways in which the young Max Horkheimer received Schopenhauer’s philosophy in his early writings Aus der Pubertät. The text analysis reveals that the young Horkheimer adopted during the 1914-1916 period a romantic perspective and a more illuministic one in the 1917-1918 period. This paper specifically focuses on a novel from the first period, Eva, from which it appears that Horkheimer subscribed to Schopenhauer’s doctrine of the aesthetical genius in an (...) original way. (shrink)

ABSTRACT In 1588 Tycho Brahe proposed a new cosmological system keeping a motionless Earth at the centre of the world. In the first half of the following century the reception of Tycho’s model within the Society of Jesus was characterized by a strong resistance at the beginning, followed by a long and winding path, and then a good fortune, whereas heliocentric models were increasingly investigated in European observatories. In 1651 a Jesuit astronomer, Giovan Battista Riccioli, published the Almagestum novum, (...) an encyclopaedic synthesis of astronomical knowledge where the Earth’s motions or rest were extensively discussed in order to prove the Earth's immobility. However, through the period 1650–1687 the Almagestum novum did not entirely fulfil its aims, rather seeming like the dying swan’s song of Tychonic or semi-Tychonic models. Contemporary scholars appreciated the encyclopaedic effort by Riccioli, but many were critical of his proofs. Even influential Jesuit astronomers showed a remarkable interest in the Copernican model, accepting geocentric models only on the basis of Holy Scripture’s authority. This conduct and the tacitly allowed circulation in Catholic Europe of openly Copernican books, indicate that Catholic science tolerated heliocentric theory, when presented as a computational device rather than a representation of reality, more frequently than we usually think. (shrink)

The relationship between Francis Bacon's Sylva sylvarum and Giovan Battista Della Porta's Magia naturalis has previously been discussed in terms of sources and borrowings in the literature. More recently, it has been suggested that one can read these two works as belonging to a common genre: as collections of recipes or books of secrets. Taking this as a framework, in this paper I address another type of similarity between these two works, one that can be detected by looking at (...) the methods of reading, research, and enacting and recording recipes one can find in Bacon and Della Porta. I show that essential to the two approaches was the complex interplay of practices associated with enacting recipes, and that these influenced the ways in which Della Porta and Bacon recorded their experiments. Creative manipulation of the recipes transformed them into something new. In the case of Della Porta's second edition of the Magia naturalis, this new format is something I call “technologies,” that is, ways of recording the enacting of recipes with the intention to ensure repeatability and predictability of results. In the case of Bacon, the enactment aims at something different: to display and “bring to light” the hidden motions and processes of nature. (shrink)

La fantasia popolare è stata sempre affascinata dalla possibilità che tra le pagine di antichi manoscritti si celassero arcani segreti, la cui rivelazione potesse conferire poteri occulti. Libri costati enormi sacrifici, che erano stati per i loro autori una ragione di vita e, al tempo stesso, la fonte di mille pericoli. La “Magia Naturalis” di Giovan Battista Della Porta fu uno dei testi più diffusi fra XVI e XVII secolo. Attorno ad esso ruotò per decenni un ampio dibattito, che (...) spaziava dalla magia alla scienza, dalla filosofia alla teologia. -/- Popular imagination has always been fascinated by the possibility that arcane secrets were hidden among the pages of ancient manuscripts, the revelation of which could confer occult powers. Books that required enormous sacrifices, which had been a reason for living for their authors and, at the same time, the source of a thousand dangers. Giovan Battista Della Porta's “Magia Naturalis” was one of the most widespread texts between the 16th and 17th centuries. A wide debate revolved around it for decades, ranging from magic to science, from philosophy to theology. (shrink)

Galileo's view of science is indebted to the teaching of the Jesuit professors at the Collegio Romano, but Galileo's concept of mathematical physics also corresponds to that of Giovan Battista Benedetti. Lacking documentary evidence that would connect Benedetti directly with the Jesuits, or the Jesuits with Benedetti, I infer a common source: the Spanish connection, that is, Domingo de Soto. I then give indications that the fourteenth-century work at Oxford and Paris on calculationes was transmitted via Spain and Portugal (...) to Rome and other centers where Jesuits had colleges, and figured in the rise of mathematical physics at the beginning of the seventeenth century. A result of these researches is their vindication of Duhem, as contrasted with Koyré, on the origins of modern mechanics. (shrink)

Tommaso Giannini was a prominent professor at the ferrarese Studium between sixteenth and seventeenth century. Probably influenced by Platonic sympathies nurtured by the Court and partly by the University milieu, in 1587 he published his first work titled De providentia ad sententiam Platonis et Platonicorum liber unus, which was a catalyst for his academic career. A compilative work in essence, the De providentia displays a large amount of sources always tacitly used: Marsilio Ficino, Jacques Charpentier, Giulio Serina, Stefano Tiepolo, (...) class='Hi'>Teofilo Zimara, Bessarion, Agostino Steuco and amid the ancients Plotinus, Plutarcus, Sirianus, Proclus, Giamblicus, Apuleius, Calcidius, Ammonius, Psellus. A small place is reserved to Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and precisely to his Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem. The aim of the paper is to provide a supplement of analysis of Giannini’s interest in Pico’s works considering his later writings, each one commonly identified as Disputationes Aristotelicae. (shrink)

In Felisberto Hernández’s story “The Stray Horse,” the young narrator imagines that the piano teacher’s sitting room furniture has relationships, intentions, and desires. The developmental psychologist Paul Bloom attributes this imagination of objects as living as part of normal development in childhood. He argues that such a tendency, while scientifically incorrect, was an evolutionary advantage in the long, brutal prehistory of mankind. Whatever the merits of Bloom’s evolutionary story, it fails to grasp the nature of creative imagination in children. Maurice (...) Merleau-Ponty cautions against reading backward from the adult into the child. Seeing all that is adult existing in some minor form in children fails to capture those unique, and often lost, parts of childhood experience. In their imaginative play, children rarely confuse object and toy play with religion. Instead of fitting into adult metaphysical commitments, children’s imaginations challenge our organization of reality. The intensity and rigidity of children’s play with objects, including their fear of select ones, often seems to speak of objects, such as those from “The Stray Horse,” that are connected to a parallel world that intervenes weakly on our own. It is fantastical, but not as in an addition to our metaphysical commitments, but as a kind of barbarian reality. This paper takes up the challenge of childhood imagination as the phenomenological prehistory of our own creative imagination. It considers the work in psychoanalytic and phenomenological accounts of childhood memories and ties it to the creative imagination of authors like Hernández. Dans le récit de Felisberto Hernandez, Le Cheval perdu, le jeune narrateur imagine que le mobilier du salon de sa professeur de piano possède des relations, des intentions et des désirs. Le psychologue du développement Paul Bloom attribue à ce fantasme, qui fait des objets des êtres vivants, une partie du développement normal de l’enfance. Il soutient que cette tendance, bien que scientifiquement incorrecte, a été un avantage dans la longue et brutale préhistoire de l’humanité. Malgré les mérites de l’histoire de l’évolution de Bloom, elle ne parvient pas à saisir la nature de l’imagination créative des enfants. Maurice Merleau-Ponty met en garde contre une lecture rétrospective qui voit l’adulte dans l’enfant : voir tout ce qui est de l’adulte déjà exister en quelque sorte sous forme mineure dans l’enfant, nous empêche de comprendre les traits uniques, et souvent perdus, de l’expérience de l’enfance. Dans leur jeu imaginaire, les enfants confondent rarement le prétexte de leur jeu ou leur jouet avec la religion. Plutôt que de s’inscrire dans les obligations métaphysiques des adultes, l’imagination des enfants met en question notre organisation de la réalité. L’intensité et la rigueur avec lesquelles les enfants jouent avec les objets, impliquant aussi la peur qu’ils ont de certains d’entre eux, semblent vouloir parler d’objets (comme ceux du Cheval perdu) connectés à un monde parallèle qui lui-même n’interfère que faiblement avec le nôtre. C’est un monde fantastique, non pas comme ajouté à nos contraintes métaphysiques, mais plutôt comme une réalité barbare. Cet article relève le défi de l’imagination infantile entendue comme la préhistoire phénoménologique de notre imagination créative. Il prend en charge le travail psychanalytique et phénoménologique concernant les souvenirs d’enfance et le met en rapport avec l’imagination créative d’auteurs comme Hernandez.Nel racconto di Felisberto Hernandez, Il cavallo perduto, il giovane narratore immagina che il mobilio del salotto della sua insegnante di pianoforte sviluppi relazioni, intenzioni e desideri. Lo psicologo dello sviluppo Paul Bloom considera l’immaginare gli oggetti come esseri viventi parte di un normale sviluppo nell’infanzia. Egli sostiene infatti che tale credenza, benché scientificamente errata, sia stata un vantaggio nella lunga e violenta preistoria dell’umanità. Malgrado i meriti della storia dell’evoluzione di Bloom, questa non riesce tuttavia a cogliere la natura dell’immaginazione creativa nei bambini. Maurice Merleau-Ponty mette in guardia da una lettura retrospettiva che veda l’adulto nel bambino: vedere l’adulto come già esistente, in una qualche forma minore, nel bambino impedisce infatti di cogliere delle componenti uniche, e spesso perdute, dell’esperienza dell’infanzia. Nel loro gioco immaginativo, i bambini raramente confondono l’oggetto e il giocattolo con la religione. Invece di iscriversi nei vincoli metafisici degli adulti, l’immaginazione dei bambini mette in discussione la nostra organizzazione della realtà. L’intensità e l’inflessibilità del giocare dei bambini con gli oggetti, compresa la paura che alcuni di questi incutono in loro, spesso sembra voler parlare di oggetti – come quelli de Il cavallo perduto – che sono connessi ad un mondo parallelo che solo debolmente interferisce con il nostro. È un mondo fantastico, che non va però letto come un’aggiunta rispetto ai nostri vincoli metafisici, quanto piuttosto come una forma di realtà selvaggia. Questo articolo accetta la sfida di pensare l’immaginazione dell’infanzia come preistoria fenomenologica della nostra immaginazione creativa, prendendo in considerazione il lavoro psicoanalitico e fenomenologico sulle memorie infantili e collegandole all’immaginazione creativa di autori come Hernandez. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Journal of Aesthetic Education 38.2 (2004) 116-120 [Access article in PDF] Art History in the Age of Bellori: Scholarship and Cultural Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, edited by Janis Bell and Thomas Willette. Cambridge: Cambridge Universtiy Press, 2002, 396 pp. Giovan Pietro Bellori is a name familiar to all who have studied seventeenth-century Italian art. His magisterial book, The Lives of the Modern Painters, Sculptors, and Architects (Le (...) vite de' pittori, scultori, ed architetti moderni), published in Rome in 1672, continued in the grand tradition of artists' biographies established by Giorgio Vasari in the sixteenth century, while at the same time espousing a classical theory of artistic creation that has often been seen as the foundation of academic classicism, popular well into the nineteenth century. He is, in other words, an immensely significant figure, as a source of information on artists' lives, and, more importantly, as a cogent, early spokesperson for one of the dominant aesthetic modes of Western European culture.Given this importance, the relative dearth of publications dedicated toBellori, especially in the Anglo-American world, is surprising. PerhapsBellori's famously negative assessment of Caravaggio, or his complete avoidance of two of the most successful Italian artists of the seventeenth century, Pietro da Cortona and Gian Lorenzo Bernini, account for the scarcity ofscholarly treatments, or maybe his supposed insistence that all great art should be grounded in rules is to blame. The reasons are hard to pin down, but the volume of essays under consideration here goes some significant way towards rectifying the situation. Stemming from a 1996 conference organized by the Association for Textual Scholarship in Art History and held at the American Academy in Rome, the volume is divided into two roughly equal sections, one on "Bellori and the Republic of Letters in Seventeenth-Century Rome," and the other on "Bellori's Lives: History, Criticism, Theory." It comprises twelve essays, including a long and very useful introduction by Janis Bell, one of the editors of the book. The overall goal of the collection is to treat Bellori's activity as a whole, rather than focus single-mindedly on the Lives. After all, as Bell points out, the preponderance of Bellori's publishing was not dedicated to aesthetic theory, or even artists' biographies, but to antiquarian studies. In this, the present volume is very different from the other major new work on Bellori, a two-volume cataloguepublished in 2000 to accompany anexhibition held at the Palazzo delle Esposizioni in Rome, L'idea del Bello: viaggio per Roma nel Seicento con Giovan Pietro Bellori. The exhibition did acknowledge Bellori's antiquarian interests, but was aimed principally at something else: making visible his aesthetic theory. Unfortunately, the authors of Art History in the Age of Belloriwere not able to take into account fully [End Page 116] the conclusions of this important study,although it should be noted that several authors are represented in both publications.The first group of essays in the book, six in number, treats a wide range of themes, with the intention of crafting a context, both literary and political, for understanding Bellori's achievement. Giovanna Perini's essay, the first of section one, describes Bellori's career trajectory, and, more significantly, how this path had an impact on his life as a scholar. Bellori did not come from the wealthiest stratum of society. On the contrary, he was of relatively modest means, which meant that he had to rely on employment income. One implication of being economically beholden to his employers was that his writing had to conform to their political agendas. The Vite, for instance, are famous for lionizing the French artist Nicolas Poussin, of obvious appeal to his Francophile patrons. Diego Velázquez, however, was not included in the Vite, perhaps because he was Spanish and would thus have appealed to the opposing political faction in Rome at the time, which was linked to Spain. At the same time, Perini convincingly argues that Bellori's own voice was not drowned out in the process... (shrink)

This series of images forms part of the ongoing project Soft Ground, Hard Light, which speculates on a multiscalar spatial ontology of photography emanating from the Arditurri silver mine complex in the Basque Country. Evoking the mountainous massif around Arditurri where silver ore and galena have been extracted since Roman presence in the area, the depicted topographies are, in fact, data transcriptions from atomic force microscopy (AFM) probing the analogue film stock of an early 1930s experiment in 3D cinema, Cine (...) en Relieve, by the Basque cinematographer Teófilo Mingueza. In contrast to optical or electron microscopy, AFM uses a scanning probe to physically touch the specimen, recording its surface undulations at the atomic scale of a nanometre, or a billionth of a metre. As a haptic operation based on direct contact between instrument and sample, between apparatus and referent, AFM is literally a contact print, a ‘blind’ scan that senses not the visual content of the recorded image but ‘feels’ its underlying material substrate of silver nanoparticles within the 35 mm film emulsion. The resulting image assemblies visualize a topography resulting from the intra-action between the silver nanoparticles and the scanning probe as much as its transcription through the particular parameters afforded by the AFM analysis software. Hard Light, Soft Ground was initiated during an artist’s residency at Tabakalera Centre for Contemporary Culture, Donostia-San Sebastián, and is currently in production as part of the wider research project Esper Syndrome: Archaeotopologies of the Image at the Royal College of Art, funded by the AHRC through the London Arts & Humanities Partnership. With additional thanks to the Basque Film Archive and Gustavo Ariel Schwartz at the Materials Physics Centre, Donostia-San Sebastián. (shrink)

The text aims to examine the concept of Fortune in Machiavelli. The analysis will be carried out from the poems Di Fortuna and Dell´Occasione, the letter to Giovan Battista Soderini, the Canto VII of Hell, by Dante, and passages that make references to the concept of Fortune in The Prince. The poem Di Fortuna will be divided into eight parts in order to exam and present the Fortune’s concept.

Einstein, in his “Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper”, gave a physical (operational) meaning to “time” of a remote event in describing “motion” by introducing the concept of “synchronous stationary clocks located at different places”. But with regard to “place” in describing motion, he assumed without analysis the concept of a system of co-ordinates.In the present paper, we propose a way of giving physical (operational) meaning to the concepts of “place” and “co-ordinate system”, and show how the observer can define both the (...) place and time of a remote event. Following Einstein, we consider another system “in uniform motion of translation relatively to the former”. Without assuming “the properties of homogeneity which we attribute to space and time”, we show that the definitions of space and time in the two systems are linearly related. We deduce some novel consequences of our approach regarding faster-than-light observers and particles, “one-way” and “two-way” velocities of light, symmetry, the “group property” of inertial reference frames, length contraction and time dilatation, and the “twin paradox”. Finally, we point out a flaw in Einstein’s argument in the “Electrodynamical Part” of his paper and show that the Lorentz force formula and Einstein’s formula for transformation of field quantities are mutually consistent. We show that for faster-than-light bodies, a simple modification of Planck’s formula for mass suffices. (Except for the reference to Planck’s formula, we restrict ourselves to Physics of 1905.). (shrink)

L'articolo prende in considerazione il possibile dialogo tra i nostri modelli di razionalità e quelli di autori medievali del tardo XIII secolo circa il concetto di laicità. Non si può certo parlare di laicità nel senso contemporaneo del termine, ma un tema interessante - senza alcuna pretesa di riferirsi a impossibili precorrimenti - può essere il concetto, individuabile in alcuni autori del tardo XIII e degli inizi del XIV secolo, della possibile coesistenza di differenti tradizioni filosofiche e teologiche, con l'implicita (...) conseguenza di una sorta di pluralismo metodologico. Tali concezioni possono essere accostate alla moderna idea di libera coesistenza di posizioni diverse, e quindi all'idea di tolleranza più che a quella di laicità, e vengono contrapposte a ogni pretesa di fondare e imporre una esclusiva e univoca lettura della realtà. Da questo punto di vista viene analizzato il pensiero di un giovane magister artium della fine del XIII secolo e, nel contempo, di un giovane magister theologiae, che si identificano nella medesima persona, Giovanni Duns Scoto.This paper concerns the possible dialogue between our models of rationality and those of medieval authors of the late 13th century about the concept of secularism . It's not possible of course to speak of secularism in the contemporary sense of the term, but an interesting theme - without any claim to speak of precursory theses - can be the concept, already recognizable in some authors of the late 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century, of the possible coexistence of different philosophical and theological traditions, with the implicit consequence of a sort of methodological pluralism. These ideas may be compared to modern idea of free coexistence of different theories, and therefore to idea of tolerance more than to that of secularism, and are opposed to any claim to ground and to impose an exclusive and authoritative interpretation of reality. From this point of view is here analysed the thought of a young magister artium of the last years of the 13th century and, at the same time, of a young magister theologiae, who must be overlapped in the same man, John Duns Scotus. (shrink)

This essay explores the history of the concept of _monstrum_ from Francis Bacon’s _Novum Organum_ to Athanasius Kircher’s _Mundus Subterraneaus_ (1664), as well as its relationship with the origins of science; as in the early modern age, the term _monstra_ is considered as a synonym for _mirabilia naturae_. The introductory part focuses on the difficult definition of “monster”, starting from Aristotle’s famous sentence in _De generatione animalium_: whoever does not looks like his parents, or whatever happens in a different way (...) from the “generality of cases”, is included within the category of the “monstrous”. Monster is a being, whose anomaly represents a warning; therefore, monsters may be considered as signs, susceptible of an allegorical, moral and even political interpretation. In another acceptation of the term, monsters may be considered as the privileged witnesses of the richness and fecundity of nature. In the second part, Bacon’s theory of monsters is exposed: they are classified as _instantiae deviantes_, within that interpretation of nature, through which the Lord Chancellor lays the epistemological foundations of the modern science. In the third, fourth and fifth parts, a taxonomy of monsters is given: at first, by means of the _cabinets des curiosités_, which flourished in sixteenth and seventeenth century Italy, from Naples to Rome, from Bologna to Milan, with famous collectors such as Ferrante Imperato, Ulisse Aldrovandi, Manfredo Settala, Athanasius Kircher; then, through the “books of secrets”, which are at the same time a new, successful literary genre and a way of thinking nature, an aspect of natural history. Among the “professors of secrets”, there are Giovan Battista Della Porta, Ambroise Paré, Leonardo Fioravanti, Jean Fernel, Pierre Borel, Kenelm Digby, and Athanasius Kircher, again, with some disciples of his, such as Kaspar Schott. Secrets of nature and _mirabilia naturae_ are finally compared: the classical list of _mirabilia_, from Pliny the Elder to Kircher, completes the taxonomy of monsters. The sixth and last part of this essay offers an explicative theory of monsters and prodigies: the marvels of nature are magnetic phenomena, which seem to imply a mysterious action at a distance. Such magnetic action can be accounted for on the basis of the Renaissance, Ficinian and Neoplatonic concept of spirit – conceived as the universal vehicle of occult sympathies and antipathies - and then through the seventeenth concepts of corpuscular effluvia, introduced by Pierre Gassendi in his _Physica_ (1658), and _sphaera activitatis_, produced by the effluvia which each body emits, and surrounding it. This sphere is the place when most of marvelous phenomena happen. (shrink)

Interpretation of Hetvābhāsasāmānyanirukti of Gaṅgeśa, 13th cent., treatise on Nyaya philosophy; based on other classical commentaries.

ch. 1. Istorii︠a︡ sot︠s︡iologicheskikh ucheniĭ -- ch. 2. Nauchnai︠a︡ teorii︠a︡ obshchestva.

In 1931 the mathematical logician Kurt Godel published a revolutionary paper that challenged certain basic assumptions underpinning mathematics and logic. A colleague of Albert Einstein, his theorem proved that mathematics was partly based on propositions not provable within the mathematical system and had radical implications that have echoed throughout many fields. A gripping combination of science and accessibility, Godel’s Proof by Nagel and Newman is for both mathematicians and the idly curious, offering those with a taste for logic and philosophy (...) the chance to satisfy their intellectual curiosity. (shrink)

Developing an intellectualist account of skill, Stanley and Williamson define skill as a kind of disposition to action-guiding knowledge. The present paper challenges their definition of skill. While we don’t dispute that skill may consist of a cognitive, a dispositional, and an action-guiding component, we argue that Stanley and Williamson’s account of each component is problematic. In the first section, we argue, against Stanley and Williamson, that the cognitive component of skill is not a case of propositional knowledge-wh, which is (...) typically indexical. In the second section, we seek to show that Stanley and Williamson face difficulties in arguing for a generic claim about skill as a kind of disposition, and they fail to defend intellectualism about skill based on the dispositional account. In the third section we argue that Stanley and Williamson need a more detailed account of the action-guiding aspect of skill to avoid several difficulties, including a threat of a regress. We close with some lessons for the debate over intellectualism and anti-intellectualism about skill. (shrink)

Basilio Sabazio was the first in Italy to argue for the unity and corruptibility of either sublunar or celestial matter. In this paper new insight of his intellectual activity between Napoli and Milano is provided, and in particular his relationship with Scipione Capece, from whose letter to Giovan Francesco di Capua, Count of Palena we learn that Sabazio was an expert in philology and astronomy. The surviving part of an essay by Sabazio to the astronomer Francesco Cigalini from Como (...) is here edited with some informations about Cigalini’s reply. A newly recovered Sabazio’s astronomical work is here edited – from which his endorsement of Eraclides Ponticus’ astronomical system is evident –, as well as his Consilium to Pope Paolo III about the urgency of convening a general council. (shrink)